Polls (Some History)

APRIL 1968: MEMPHIS

When Martin Luther King Jr. boarded a plane at Hartsfield Airport in Atlanta for what turned out to be his final trip, the plane was delayed on the tarmac for an hour as dogs were called in to sniff luggage in response to a bomb threat Eastern Airlines had received towards their most famous passenger. The white pilot was nice enough to inform everyone on the jet that the cause of their delay was the Civil Rights leader. On the day President Johnson withdrew from the race (March 31), King was at the National Cathedral in Washington and showing a more pronounced move from demands for equal rights to demands for more to be done to address black poverty. He flew to Memphis in support of striking union sanitation workers. One injustice inflicted upon them (and largely where it began) occurred when workers were sent home for bad weather and white workers were paid for a full day but black workers for only two hours. Seven weeks of garbage were thus piled up, and the city stank. But King himself was conflicted.

He still held to the nonviolent philosophy he’d drawn from Jesus and Gandhi, but he was beginning to wonder if it was going to be enough. Blacks had splintered into differing coalitions that included militants (like Black Power), King’s own group of nonviolent protestors (among them Ralph David Abernathy, Jesse Jackson, and future Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young), and those that attempted to use both. A crowd of two thousand awaited him at the Mason Temple in Memphis, which was a bit of a disappointment given 14,000 had heard him the last time he spoke at the same venue. King wanted to take a pass, but Abernathy convinced him it would be unfair to those who, after all, were striking for a cause close to King’s heart. They were in the arena, and he also needed to be. Thus was recorded that night, perhaps facing the inevitable, King’s speech about having “been to the top” and “seen the promised land.” The speech in retrospect sounds like a recognition of early martyrdom. During the speech, King mentioned his being stabbed in 1958, the bomb threat in Atlanta, and even threats as he arrived in Memphis as allegedly an offer to assassinate him for $5,000 had been posted. And also, Tennessee Governor Buford Ellington (a Democrat as virtually all Southern governors were at the time) was accusing King of coming to Memphis to train 3,000 people to “start riots”.

To look at how different the time was, take in mind that the celebrities of the Civil Rights movement AND black entertainers such as Count Basie were not at fancy hotels but at dump motels. The Lorraine Motel, where King was staying, is right next to the Mississippi River as one exits the (now) I-55 bridge. In retrospect, what happened on the balcony of the motel the next night now seems inevitable. King was dressed in an overcoat because the early April weather was unusually cool. Indeed, forgotten over time is the fact that five Tennesseans were killed in tornadoes that same night. Leaning over the balcony at 6:01 pm on April 4, 1968, a single shot fired from a 30.06 rifle hit King in the right cheek and lodged into his right shoulder. Sixty-four minutes after bullet impact, King was pronounced dead at 7:05 pm. And all hell – and riots – broke loose in many American cities. By coincidence, Robert Kennedy was on his way to address a predominantly black group in Indianapolis. It was there that RFK informed the group of MLK’s murder and asked for those present to follow King’s prescription of nonviolence while at the same time saying he could understand the feelings of rage that might lead one to choose to engage in it. For the first time ever, Kennedy mentioned the murder of his late brother, the President, in public. And his speech, rightly or wrongly, is credited for having eased enough tensions that on a night when so many cities erupted.

There was also some full-on insanity that night. New York’s liberal Republican Mayor John Lindsay, who already had his eyes on the Presidency, was attending a Broadway play when he was informed of King’s murder. The mayor then decided this was the right night for him to stroll through Harlem and thus left the play in order to be seen by, well, the gathering mob. He had a few aides but none were armed, and one would later say Lindsay looked “more like a Southern sheriff” than the mayor of America’s largest city. He was bailed out by Manhattan’s borough President, who sent a limo to retrieve the mayor. Oh, and the borough President was black. (cf. Perlstein, 270). But Lindsay was a politician, so the following day he deployed his Streets and Sanitation Department to clear up anything left over and persuade the national press that despite what they heard, there’d been no violence in New York City. It worked; Lindsay’s mug was on the cover of “Life” magazine the very next month, and he was being touted as a possible Nixon running mate. Estimates are between 75 and 125 American cities had fires and rioting that night, and 600 residents in Newark were left homeless by fires. The President declared April 9, 1968 to be a National
day of Mourning.

Kennedy finished his speech in Indianapolis and called King's now widow, Coretta Scott King. Asking if she needed anything, she charged Bobby with seeing that her husband's body was brought back to Atlanta. Kennedy kept as low a profile as he did and attended the funeral. In fact, most of the candidates (declared and undeclared) attended King's funeral. President Johnson opted out, saying he would be a security risk, and - unsurprisingly - George Wallace opted out as well. So, too, did Georgia governor and avowed racist Lester Maddox.

Richard Nixon attended the funeral, and it is here where a bit of the "evidence" of Nixon's so-called Southern strategy begins. I say "evidence" because it is believed by some historians that Nixon did attend the funeral but not wanting to be seen on national television at the funeral of the Civil Rights leader, he allegedly skipped out on the march to the cemetery. In a 762-page book that is generally accurate (though often juvenile), one historian writes:

The boss, recalling how Kennedy had won a critical edge on campaign eve in 1960 by supporting King when he was in jail, recalling, too, his ongoing negotiations for the loyalty of the Pope of Southern Republicans, Strom Thurmond, ended up playing it down the middle: he traveled to Atlanta to pay his respects to the family, but when the funeral procession made its way down the street, he was nowhere to be seen. (Perlstein, "Nixonland," 2008: 277).

There you have it. Good ole dog whistle Nixon getting credit for attending the funeral but cagily avoiding having his picture taken in the South with all of those black people. Well, except for the one taken of Nixon marching to the cemetery next to an obscure black man named Wilt Chamberlain, who would later come out during the GOP Convention and be one of the few blacks to publicly support him.

Chamberlain and Nixon Marching.webp

According to Pat Buchanan - who had just come on board the Nixon train - Nixon vacillated repeatedly over whether he should go to the funeral or not simply because of what would be said. Some aides thought he should, some thought he shouldn't, but all agreed he needed to simply exist for now. He then came up with a safe plan: he would walk with Democrat Eugene McCarthy and they'd peel off together in a show of bipartisanship upon arrival at the gravesite. Nixon would later say that being shown on television in the South had probably cost him quite a few votes. But just to show it was not mere opportunism, Nixon then came out in favor of an Open Housing law Congress hurriedly passed in their grief. And upon his return to the campaign trail on April 25, he gave a speech endorsing black capitalism that aired on CBS national radio. Nixon did many things wrong for which Perlstein and other historians criticize him. But skipping out on the march to the cemetery for the burial of Martin Luther King in order to appeal to Southern racists was not one of them.

In fact, all of the candidates learned that if they did attend the funeral they got criticized...and if they DIDN'T attend the funeral, they also got criticized. Bobby Kennedy drew wrath for taking off his coat during the march, accused of drawing attention to himself. This after he'd gone the extra mile to keep a low profile during the transfer of King's body from Memphis to Atlanta.


JUST A BIT OF DAMAGE.....

What city had the worst rioting and damage in the wake of the King assassination?
Chicago.

The city that in less than five months would host the Democratic National Convention.

The next day, Mayor Daley came out and said he’d told his police superintendent to “shoot to kill” rioters unless they were children. This drew the wrath of Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who informed him such an admonition was tantamount to committing murder. Daley then turned right around with the skill of a politician and denied that he’d ever said what he said on television.

Law and order was already the top issue in the country per the January Gallup Poll. The assassination of King and the riots in the immediate aftermath would push it higher. And yet another assassination just nine weeks later would push it even higher.
 
  • Like
Reactions: Huckleberry
APRIL 1968: MEMPHIS

When Martin Luther King Jr. boarded a plane at Hartsfield Airport in Atlanta for what turned out to be his final trip, the plane was delayed on the tarmac for an hour as dogs were called in to sniff luggage in response to a bomb threat Eastern Airlines had received towards their most famous passenger. The white pilot was nice enough to inform everyone on the jet that the cause of their delay was the Civil Rights leader. On the day President Johnson withdrew from the race (March 31), King was at the National Cathedral in Washington and showing a more pronounced move from demands for equal rights to demands for more to be done to address black poverty. He flew to Memphis in support of striking union sanitation workers. One injustice inflicted upon them (and largely where it began) occurred when workers were sent home for bad weather and white workers were paid for a full day but black workers for only two hours. Seven weeks of garbage were thus piled up, and the city stank. But King himself was conflicted.

He still held to the nonviolent philosophy he’d drawn from Jesus and Gandhi, but he was beginning to wonder if it was going to be enough. Blacks had splintered into differing coalitions that included militants (like Black Power), King’s own group of nonviolent protestors (among them Ralph David Abernathy, Jesse Jackson, and future Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young), and those that attempted to use both. A crowd of two thousand awaited him at the Mason Temple in Memphis, which was a bit of a disappointment given 14,000 had heard him the last time he spoke at the same venue. King wanted to take a pass, but Abernathy convinced him it would be unfair to those who, after all, were striking for a cause close to King’s heart. They were in the arena, and he also needed to be. Thus was recorded that night, perhaps facing the inevitable, King’s speech about having “been to the top” and “seen the promised land.” The speech in retrospect sounds like a recognition of early martyrdom. During the speech, King mentioned his being stabbed in 1958, the bomb threat in Atlanta, and even threats as he arrived in Memphis as allegedly an offer to assassinate him for $5,000 had been posted. And also, Tennessee Governor Buford Ellington (a Democrat as virtually all Southern governors were at the time) was accusing King of coming to Memphis to train 3,000 people to “start riots”.

To look at how different the time was, take in mind that the celebrities of the Civil Rights movement AND black entertainers such as Count Basie were not at fancy hotels but at dump motels. The Lorraine Motel, where King was staying, is right next to the Mississippi River as one exits the (now) I-55 bridge. In retrospect, what happened on the balcony of the motel the next night now seems inevitable. King was dressed in an overcoat because the early April weather was unusually cool. Indeed, forgotten over time is the fact that five Tennesseans were killed in tornadoes that same night. Leaning over the balcony at 6:01 pm on April 4, 1968, a single shot fired from a 30.06 rifle hit King in the right cheek and lodged into his right shoulder. Sixty-four minutes after bullet impact, King was pronounced dead at 7:05 pm. And all hell – and riots – broke loose in many American cities. By coincidence, Robert Kennedy was on his way to address a predominantly black group in Indianapolis. It was there that RFK informed the group of MLK’s murder and asked for those present to follow King’s prescription of nonviolence while at the same time saying he could understand the feelings of rage that might lead one to choose to engage in it. For the first time ever, Kennedy mentioned the murder of his late brother, the President, in public. And his speech, rightly or wrongly, is credited for having eased enough tensions that on a night when so many cities erupted.

There was also some full-on insanity that night. New York’s liberal Republican Mayor John Lindsay, who already had his eyes on the Presidency, was attending a Broadway play when he was informed of King’s murder. The mayor then decided this was the right night for him to stroll through Harlem and thus left the play in order to be seen by, well, the gathering mob. He had a few aides but none were armed, and one would later say Lindsay looked “more like a Southern sheriff” than the mayor of America’s largest city. He was bailed out by Manhattan’s borough President, who sent a limo to retrieve the mayor. Oh, and the borough President was black. (cf. Perlstein, 270). But Lindsay was a politician, so the following day he deployed his Streets and Sanitation Department to clear up anything left over and persuade the national press that despite what they heard, there’d been no violence in New York City. It worked; Lindsay’s mug was on the cover of “Life” magazine the very next month, and he was being touted as a possible Nixon running mate. Estimates are between 75 and 125 American cities had fires and rioting that night, and 600 residents in Newark were left homeless by fires. The President declared April 9, 1968 to be a National
day of Mourning.

Kennedy finished his speech in Indianapolis and called King's now widow, Coretta Scott King. Asking if she needed anything, she charged Bobby with seeing that her husband's body was brought back to Atlanta. Kennedy kept as low a profile as he did and attended the funeral. In fact, most of the candidates (declared and undeclared) attended King's funeral. President Johnson opted out, saying he would be a security risk, and - unsurprisingly - George Wallace opted out as well. So, too, did Georgia governor and avowed racist Lester Maddox.

Richard Nixon attended the funeral, and it is here where a bit of the "evidence" of Nixon's so-called Southern strategy begins. I say "evidence" because it is believed by some historians that Nixon did attend the funeral but not wanting to be seen on national television at the funeral of the Civil Rights leader, he allegedly skipped out on the march to the cemetery. In a 762-page book that is generally accurate (though often juvenile), one historian writes:

The boss, recalling how Kennedy had won a critical edge on campaign eve in 1960 by supporting King when he was in jail, recalling, too, his ongoing negotiations for the loyalty of the Pope of Southern Republicans, Strom Thurmond, ended up playing it down the middle: he traveled to Atlanta to pay his respects to the family, but when the funeral procession made its way down the street, he was nowhere to be seen. (Perlstein, "Nixonland," 2008: 277).

There you have it. Good ole dog whistle Nixon getting credit for attending the funeral but cagily avoiding having his picture taken in the South with all of those black people. Well, except for the one taken of Nixon marching to the cemetery next to an obscure black man named Wilt Chamberlain, who would later come out during the GOP Convention and be one of the few blacks to publicly support him.

View attachment 57620

According to Pat Buchanan - who had just come on board the Nixon train - Nixon vacillated repeatedly over whether he should go to the funeral or not simply because of what would be said. Some aides thought he should, some thought he shouldn't, but all agreed he needed to simply exist for now. He then came up with a safe plan: he would walk with Democrat Eugene McCarthy and they'd peel off together in a show of bipartisanship upon arrival at the gravesite. Nixon would later say that being shown on television in the South had probably cost him quite a few votes. But just to show it was not mere opportunism, Nixon then came out in favor of an Open Housing law Congress hurriedly passed in their grief. And upon his return to the campaign trail on April 25, he gave a speech endorsing black capitalism that aired on CBS national radio. Nixon did many things wrong for which Perlstein and other historians criticize him. But skipping out on the march to the cemetery for the burial of Martin Luther King in order to appeal to Southern racists was not one of them.

In fact, all of the candidates learned that if they did attend the funeral they got criticized...and if they DIDN'T attend the funeral, they also got criticized. Bobby Kennedy drew wrath for taking off his coat during the march, accused of drawing attention to himself. This after he'd gone the extra mile to keep a low profile during the transfer of King's body from Memphis to Atlanta.


JUST A BIT OF DAMAGE.....

What city had the worst rioting and damage in the wake of the King assassination?
Chicago.

The city that in less than five months would host the Democratic National Convention.

The next day, Mayor Daley came out and said he’d told his police superintendent to “shoot to kill” rioters unless they were children. This drew the wrath of Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who informed him such an admonition was tantamount to committing murder. Daley then turned right around with the skill of a politician and denied that he’d ever said what he said on television.

Law and order was already the top issue in the country per the January Gallup Poll. The assassination of King and the riots in the immediate aftermath would push it higher. And yet another assassination just nine weeks later would push it even higher.
Great stuff, as always! On Nixon, do you think his support for open housing and his black capitalism speech show that his racial politics in 1968 were more complicated than the usual Southern strategy shorthand allows? Or were those positions still part of the same broader political strategy?
 
Great stuff, as always! On Nixon, do you think his support for open housing and his black capitalism speech show that his racial politics in 1968 were more complicated than the usual Southern strategy shorthand allows? Or were those positions still part of the same broader political strategy?

I'll have to look closer at the speech, but the Open Housing thing was (probably) - and I can't read anyone's mind - but it was going to pass anyway, Nixon wasn't ever going to have to cast an actual vote (as he was out of office), it was a light gesture, and it also removed it as a point of discussion in the campaign. But I think the entire "Nixon Southern strategy" accusation - so far as I've been able to read - is misguided at best and flat out lazy at worst.

Let's be honest: when a person says "Southern strategy," (in this context) it is a cowardly and back door way of saying what the accuser is afraid to say, "racist strategy." It's like when Johnnie Cochran was careful to always say the LAPD "planted" the bloody glove rather than the "they FRAMED OJ." It's the same thing, but it sounds softer. Even in 1968, saying your opponent was engage in racist tactics wasn't a surefire winner, although it didn't prevent a number of Democrats from leveling that charge. The media - largely - was left with "okay, what is your evidence?" And the problem was that with the exception of a couple of things that could be seen that way - or not - there really wasn't any. Over the years, it became the dogmatic excuse for losing the election, much like Republicans insist to this day (which I already covered) that "Perot handed Clinton the election," despite the fact that very theory is unproveable in any way in any direction. (The attempts I see that show "well, when Perot re-entered the race, he took about equally," ignores the fact his withdrawal blasted Clinton, who had been running third, out to a colossal 24-point lead. If his lead is never that large, does it remain so is unknowable).

The problem, though, is there were actually MULTIPLE Southern strategies, and most of them really didn't have anything at all to do with race. I'll cover this coming up but it's true that Nixon did meet with Strom Thurmond in Atlanta at the end of May. Of course, when people start yaw-yawing about that, they always don't point out that Strom was one of several Republican Senators at the gathering and Nixon was trying to nail down the South IN THE NOMINATION STAGE to prevent the combined forces of Ronald Reagan and Nelson Rockefeller from ensuring Nixon did not win the nomination on the first ballot. The South as it was in 1968 LOVED Reagan, the "true conservative", and here's a point often glossed over: Richard Nixon had to win 667 delegates to be the nominee. The South had 356 of those necessary delegates, and he wasn't their first choice.

And here's where it's also kind of funny: why did the South, which had never been Republican, have so many GOP delegates? Well, even to this day, one of the many factors in assigning the delegate number to each state is based on which party carried the state in the last election (as well as if the state has a long history of going red). And since Goldwater only won six states - five in the Deep South - well, the South had more than 1/2 the delegates necessary to be nominated.

And remember, it wasn't like today where you win them in primaries (for the most part). Nixon had no choice but to deal with the Southern Republicans, which were still an insanely small group at the time. Much of the phrase "Southern strategy" as it appears in media pre-August 1968 deals with the NOMINATION, and has nothing at all to do with "law and order" or George Wallace.

Then there's the general election, where Nixon has a major problem on his hands: Wallace knows he can't win, but he wants to sweep the south and force the election into the House, where they will (of course) choose Humphrey and set off who knows what. The idea that Nixon could have campaigned as some sort of "Klan lite" candidate is funny when you remember that Wallace - over and over - was pounding Nixon for his role in the passage of the 1957 Civil Rights Act as well as the fact Nixon was in favor of both the CRA of 64 and VRA of 65. In a way, Nixon ran his race attempting to be NON-THREATENING to both blacks and whites.

I'm sure you remember John Kerry's blundering 2004 campaign that he nearly won despite its snail's pace and lack of substance. In a way, Nixon ran a similar type campaign (under far more tense circumstances at home) and for the same reason: say anything about Vietnam without having a plan of what you'd do better, and the wrath of the press and opposition will rain down upon you. Nixon didn't talk "law and order" to mollify racists, he talked it because he had no choice. It was a much safer issue than Vietnam, and there's a lot of information gleaned on Nixon with that subject as well that will surprise readers here.

Bear in mind, one of the promises the Southern group (Thurmond, John Tower, Howard Baker) wanted was for him to campaign in the South. Nixon pointed out that there was no sense in him campaigning in "the Deep South," because it was a waste of time and locked up for Wallace. But he would campaign in targets he had a chance to win - notably Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia, all of which he'd carried previously as Ike's running mate or in 1960 against JFK.

It is more precise to say that Nixon wanted to run a "border states" strategy, which helps explain (if anything does) the selection of Maryland Governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate. Bordered by Pennsylvania - which Nixon lost by 3.57% but the GOP picked up a Senate seat, and Virginia - which Nixon won by nearly 11 points despite Wallace collaring almost 24%, Agnew had won his office against a Democratic segregationist by (wait for it) coming out for open housing as well. (I'll begin to cover why some thought Agnew was an appeal to racism in the next post, right on the heels of the King funeral).

So Nixon DID run a Southern strategy in the sense that he had to find a way to make sure Wallace didn't carry the "Outer South" (VA, TN, KY, NC, maybe AR). But he never seriously competed for the same voters with such rhetoric - although some of his supporters were not shy about reasoning in public: "well, if you vote for Wallace and he carries enough states, Humphrey is still going to be your President, and Hubert has been for integration since he arrived here in 1948."

Another aspect is that you have to remember that prior to 1964, there was a group in the Republican Party called the Eastern Establishment that was able to knock down, disqualify, gang tackle any favored "conservative" in the back rooms and install who these money men wanted as the GOP nominee. While they did exist prior to that time, their power was first felt in 1940 when they somehow managed to install a guy from Indiana, Wendell Wilkie, who had been a Democrat up until 1939. He earned praise for his campaign and - like everyone else - got clobbered by FDR. In both 1944 and 1948, they put NY Governor Thomas Dewey atop the ticket both times - and both times he went down swinging. In 1952, the New Hampshire primary was brought into public consciousness for the first time, and the rabid conservatives had their man, Ohio Senator Robert Taft, son of the President who really first pushed the GOP from more progressivism (Teddy) to more conservative budget management. The Eastern Establishment went and got General Eisenhower to deep six Taft, who died about 18 months after the primary from pancreatic cancer. In 1960, Goldwater was rousing the "true believers" but the Establishment went with VP Nixon.

After getting outfoxed and outgunned five times in a row, the grass roots took over, Goldwater won the nomination, and Rockefeller refused to endorse him, sealing his fate with the party as far as the Presidency went. By 1968, those guys were dying but Goldwater's success changed how nominees approached the process. So when Nixon undercut them a second time, they fully expected him to put Rockefeller (whose family were some of these members) or New York City Mayor John Lindsay on the ticket.

When he didn't - and it basically ended their power in the party as far as nomination politics - another of their number (Joseph Alsop, columnist) took the newspapers and would simultaneously praise Nixon's campaign and say he was "running a southern strategy." Alsop seemingly was upset that his buddy wasn't the nominee and then wasn't on the ticket. But in none of his columns does Alsop ever spell out what Nixon is doing. In fact, at one point he says that Nixon was forced into "the southern strategy" by the limitations of which states he could win. But to do this, one has to assume the voter makeup of Tennessee and Kentucky is exactly the same as Alabama and Mississippi, and it really wasn't.

However, I don't want to leave you with the idea Nixon was some innocent, either. He took some positions that I'll disclose later that depending upon one's view might be seen as pandering to the unenlightened bloc but which are also defensible as policy positions. So much of what we've been told, when you read what the historians are saying happened and they can't even give you a specific occurrence really beg the question. (For example, regardless of whether one sees it as racial animus or not, Ronald Reagan DID appear in Neshoba County, Mississippi on August 3, 1980 at the state fair, and he DID say the phrase "states rights." That's an actual example. The only thing you can find in most of the books about the election is assertions and "law and order", but if that's the criteria and Humphrey used that phrase 3 times in his acceptance speech - Nixon once - does that mean Humphrey is three times the racist dog whistler Nixon is?).

I'll be in and out, my spine is still killing me daily right now.
I need to try and get into Ortho, but I'm having trouble making time.
 

New Posts

Advertisement

Trending content

Advertisement

Latest threads