Are you saying Italian fascist Mussolini believed in "America first?"
And I thought that Italian fascists like Mussolini, but you appear to be arguing that the
Italian fascist wanted Trump. Trump wasn't even born then.
To have some analytical power, a construct has to present some enduring characteristic that define the party, not some vague
Let me show you an example. Let's apply those standards to the Republican party of Abraham LIncoln in 1860-77 (my comments are in
italics and underlined.
- Powerful and continuing nationalism: "The Union predated the states and has a higher call on the loyalty of the citizen than the states which created it."
- Cult of the leader: Ever been to the western end of the Mall in DC or looked at a $5 bill?
- Identification of enemies and scapegoats: A unifying cause is created by demonizing certain groups, such as ethnic minorities (southerners), immigrants (all the northern members of the anti-immigrant "Know Nothing" Party of 1850 were Republicans in 1860), or political opponents (Democrats), and blaming them for the nation's problems. "Shut up and wave your flag!" was pretty much the unofficial motto of the Lincoln Administration.
- Suppression of opposition: Dissent is treated as treason. Fascist regimes use intimidation, violence, and state-controlled police to forcibly eliminate or suppress political opposition and dissidents. In September 1861, the Lincoln Administration ordered the arrest of "any or all" of the Maryland legislature before they voted on holding a state convention . The Lincoln Admin. jailed 38,000 men they themselves called "political prisoners" without charge and many of them for years without trial. Some of them for saying "the current crowd running the war are incompetent and therefore, young men should not enlist; you'll just be throwing away your life." The Army arrested them. (See John A. Marshall's American Bastille from 1876). In December 1865, Republicans denied seats to the southern state Congressional delegations, thus effectively disfranchising all voters in every southern state.
- Controlled mass media and propaganda: The government or leader maintains strict control over the media to manipulate information, spread propaganda, and suppress any critical voices. Disagreement or critical discourse may be framed as a threat. The Lincoln Administration closed 300 northern newspapers during the war for printing stories they did not like. Other newspaper took the hint and toed the line.
- Militarism and obsession with national security: The military is given a supreme and respected position. Aggressive and expansionist foreign policies are common, with violence often glorified as a tool for national rejuvenation. The United States between grew by 750,000 sq miles over the objections of the people living there. This is a classic example of imperialism.
- Rampant cronyism and corruption: The regime is often run by a network of friends and associates who are appointed to positions of power and use their authority for personal gain. Competence is less valued than loyalty. This is precisely why Republicans wanted power in 1860. And why they wanted to hold onto it. In fact, by far the most corrupt administration in American history to that point was Grant's Republican Administration.
- Erosion of democratic institutions: Fascists actively undermine the principles and institutions of liberal democracy, such as competitive elections, individual rights, and the rule of law. Every southern state elected a state convention to consider the election of a party that protected men who committed acts of violence. And in every one of these states, the decision democratically adopted was brutally crushed. The first time the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was suspended was when Lincoln did it in April 1861 from DC to Maine. And he did it without Congressional authority, even though that power is in Art. I of the Constitution, which deals with the legislative power. Lincoln just did it. He then placed a DC Circuit judge under house arrest for ruling against him. One of his close friends, Ward Lamon, said Lincoln even authorized the arrest of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court although the warrant was never executed.
- Intertwined government and religion: The government and a dominant religious establishment often become entwined, with religious rhetoric used to legitimize the regime. Lincoln sprinkled enough religious vocabulary in his rhetoric that the credulous bought his cant. Considering the 750,000 deaths his decisions had caused, Lincoln said, "The judgments of the Lord are true and just altogether." In other words, "It's not my fault. God did it so quit griping at me."
- Corporate and state power protected, labor power suppressed: Fascist economies are often based on a form of corporatism where the state intervenes to manage the economy, often benefiting powerful business interests while dismantling labor unions and suppressing workers' rights. Philip Foner in his 1941 book Business and Slavery: The New York Merchants and the Irrepressible Conflict shows that New York City businessmen in March 1861 were scared to death of peaceful secession and promised to fund any war that followed. And that war made them rich. What better way to crush labor than drafting men into the army and flinging them at enemy trenches? Problem solved.
- Disdain for intellectuals and the arts: Higher education, critical thinking, and free artistic expression that does not align with the state narrative are often attacked, censored, or replaced with character-building propaganda. Any intellectual engaging in critical thinking about the war effort would find the army knocking at his door at 2:00 o'clock in the morning and he would be arrested and taken to then nearest military installation, without charges, without benefit of counsel. Intellectuals and artists aligned with the state narrative were left alone.
Therefore, the Republicans between 1860 and 1877 were fascists.
I could do much the same thing for Barack Obama.
My point is this: If a political science construct is so nebulous as to cover Donald Trump, Abraham Lincoln and Barack Obama, i would assert is has limited utility in a political discussion.
If the Trump Administration builds a monument to Trump bigger than the Lincoln Memorial, invades its Canada or Mexico, sends the army to close opposition media outlets, or sticks immigrants or Mexicans into gas chambers, then we can talk fascism.
Until that point, it is insulting to the actual victims of the fascists. Real fascists murdered real Jews and shoved their bodies into real ovens. Throwing that word around flippantly dishonors their suffering.